And to continue:
The Economist, however, while tending conservative in its reporting and articles, editorially is fairly liberal. The Economist's editorial/opinion approach to public economic policy is historically interventionist, not at all opposed to tax increases, and by no means conservative, at least not like the Wall Street Journal's editorial page.
As you point out, the WSJ editorial page is rather far out on the conservative wing, in contrast to its reportage (which, IMHO, matches The Economist's in clarity and objectivity). I prefer to think of The Economist's editorial position as
thinkgingly conservative on economic matters (their support of global free trade is a prime example, and they are stern with Obama -- righly so -- on this matter). They are also anti-
dirigiste; just read what they consitently have to say about French government intervention in the economy. However, they are pragmatic more than ideological, so in the present situation they agree that government intervention is needed, as long as it's sensible and temporary. When it comes to social and cultural matters, The Economist is more liberal, in the classic (libertarian) sense (or in the classic American conservative sense): they want government to avoid meddling in social matters.
An example of The Economist's liberal (editorial) orientation is the demonstrably inaccurate statement about Bush's "unaffordable" tax cuts: tax revenues soared after the cuts (which they always do, because tax cuts invariably stimulate economic activity, and that is where the real tax money lies, not in higher rates). The deficit ballooned not because of the tax cuts but because spending has been out of control for eight years...
Revenues don't "invariably" rise when taxes are cut: the trivial case of zero taxation proves that point. The Laffer Curve is simply a statement of the mean value theorem, which says that a revenue maximum exists
somewhere between 0% and 100% taxation. Which side of the maximum we're on at any time is a matter of debate and open to experiment. Revenues during the Bush years increased after the tax cut, but we now see that much of the growth that generated the revenue increase was bubbly in nature, not sustainable. We agree on the out-of-control spending and governmental gigantism that the supposedly conservative Bush administration encouraged (and while we may disagree on the Iraq war decision and/or execution, we can agree on its price tag as being part of the spending growth).
Finally, the broad consensus of economist opinion indicates that Obama's tax-spend plan would yield a smaller increase in the deficit than McCain's tax-spend plan. I'll take that with a grain of salt, myself, since as far as I'm concerned, economic models need constant experimental re-validation, especially when global macro circumstances change as violently as they just have. However, that consensus is what it is, and I don't mind using it if it's useful to my point.
